Africa
Army chief’s controversial statements and claims raise concerns
Ugandan President’s son, known for making provocative comments on X, is reportedly eyeing a future role as his father’s successor.
General Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the commander of Uganda's military, is a figure of controversy, with critics alleging that he is part of a triumvirate that wields significant power in the East African nation.
As the son of Uganda's long-serving President Yoweri Museveni, Kainerugaba has been active on social media platform X, where he recently commented on the violence that marred this month's presidential election, including the killing of opposition supporters.
In a series of posts that were later removed, Kainerugaba made inflammatory statements, including a threat against defeated opposition candidate Bobi Wine, suggesting that he would face severe physical harm.
Following President Museveni's victory in the presidential election, securing a seventh term at the age of 81, observers believe that he is likely to step down in the future, and that his 51-year-old son, Kainerugaba, is being positioned as his potential successor.
The trio at the center of power in Uganda, consisting of President Museveni, General Kainerugaba, and the president's brother and special adviser, Salim Saleh, has been referred to as an "unholy alliance," a term that draws a contrast with the Christian concept of the Holy Trinity.
According to Nicodemus Minde, an analyst with the Institute for Security Studies based in Kenya, a particular description was shared with him during his recent visit to Uganda for research purposes, which he discussed with the BBC.
Minde elaborates on this description, suggesting that it portrays President Museveni as a paternal figure, his son Muhoozi as the son, and Salim Saleh, the uncle, as a third entity, drawing a parallel to the concept of the holy trinity.
Minde characterizes Salim Saleh as a key figure who wields significant influence, citing his extensive reach in terms of financial resources, business connections, and access to important circles.
Critics of the government, including opposition supporters, allege that the ruling family views their leadership as divinely ordained, pointing to President Museveni's extended 40-year tenure, which was recently renewed after he secured over 70% of the vote in the election.
This notion of a ruling family dynasty is not new, as evidenced by comments made by Anita Among, the previous parliament's speaker, who last year invoked a similar analogy to mobilize support for President Museveni.
A statement attributed to her compared President Museveni to God the Father, Muhoozi Kainerugaba to God the Son, and positioned voters as the Holy Spirit, urging them to cast their ballots for the pair, a remark that drew criticism.
Following the election, in which he secured 24% of the vote, Wine rejected the outcome, characterizing it as fraudulent and alleging that Museveni's win was the result of widespread electoral manipulation.
Kainerugaba responded to Wine's claims by issuing a 48-hour ultimatum, demanding that the opposition leader turn himself in to the authorities.
Kainerugaba warned that failure to comply would result in Wine being treated as a rebel, implying that he would face corresponding consequences.
Kainerugaba's Twitter account no longer features the posts in which he made these threats, including one that contained a graphic and violent warning directed at Wine.
Following a raid on his residence after the election, Wine had gone into hiding, but he later addressed the general on X, sharing a screengrab of some deleted tweets. In response, Kainerugaba posted a comment that read: "Boo hoo hoo Mr. 24%."
A tweet remains on Kainerugaba's feed, stating that Wine is wanted "dead or alive", despite a government minister's assertion that the opposition leader is at liberty to conduct his activities without restriction.
The army chief subsequently alleged that the US had assisted Wine in evading capture, and as a result, all military cooperation between the two nations would be suspended.
However, on Friday, he issued an apology, stating that he had been provided with inaccurate information.
Kainerugaba then announced his intention to scale back his activity on the social media platform, saying "I intend to reduce my interactions" on X. This decision comes after a similar incident last year, in which he declared his departure from X, only to return a few days later.
General Kainerugaba has a reputation for making contentious online statements, many of which have been removed after initial posting, earning him the nickname "tweeting general".
The general has also utilized religious references to further his political ambitions.
In a since-deleted post from earlier this month, he stated, "I fear no one on this planet because my bloodline is from Jesus Christ".
A close associate of the general, who wished to remain anonymous, described him as "incredibly loyal" and drew parallels between his social media behavior and that of US President Donald Trump.
According to the friend, who spoke to the BBC, "his online presence may be reminiscent of Trump, but it is a genuine reflection of his personality".
According to him, Kainerugaba's tweets do not provide an accurate representation of his personality, and he notes that the general has a multifaceted character that cannot be fully understood through his social media posts.
Minde characterizes Kainerugaba's online comments as unpredictable, but believes they can be seen as rational when considered in the context of Uganda's political landscape, particularly the general's efforts to establish himself as a potential successor to his father.
In an interview with the BBC, Minde suggests that Kainerugaba may be using his posts to gain favor with his father, while also acknowledging that some of his statements appear to be intentionally provocative.
Minde observes that Kainerugaba's public statements have limited impact on improving his popularity among the general public.
A friend of Kainerugaba's, speaking to the BBC, expresses a different view, describing the general as a highly capable potential successor to his father.
Uganda, having recently emerged from conflict, places a high premium on security, a fact that is underscored by its current situation.
According to available information, maintaining stability is the top priority, with Kainerugaba possessing extensive experience in this area, having been involved in such efforts throughout his life.
Certain statements made by him have the potential to jeopardize international relations if interpreted literally.
A notable example of this occurred in 2022, when he suggested invading neighboring Kenya, prompting widespread criticism from Kenyans, who denounced his remarks as impulsive.
After initially advising his critics to "calm down", the situation continued to escalate, ultimately leading to a phone call from Museveni to Kenya's William Ruto, in which he apologized for his son's misstep.
Kainerugaba has previously characterized certain statements as mere "musings" and "abstractions", implying they should not be taken at face value.
According to Uganda-based security analyst Freddie David Egesa, the military chief appears to cultivate a particular image, suggesting he takes pleasure in presenting himself in a certain way.
Egesa notes that Kainerugaba often uses humor when discussing certain topics, which can be misleading.
A friend of Kainerugaba describes the general as an intelligent and kind individual, deeply invested in the country's peace and security, with a strong work ethic.
The friend also praises Kainerugaba's dedication to his duties, stating that he carries out his responsibilities with diligence and to the best of his abilities.
This role is a natural fit for him, given his circumstances and position.
Kainerugaba's leadership style has been characterized by a firm approach to dissent, with swift action taken against individuals deemed a challenge to his father's government.
On X, the general acknowledged that the aftermath of the recent elections saw at least 30 fatalities and the detention of approximately 2,000 people by security personnel.
In the lead-up to the election, opposition gatherings were frequently disrupted, with security forces sometimes resorting to gunfire. According to the United Nations, the electoral process took place amidst a climate of pervasive repression and intimidation targeting the political opposition.
Reuters cited Andrew Mwenda, a Ugandan political analyst and close associate of the general, as stating that Kainerugaba was involved in the four-day internet outage that continued until after the election had concluded.
Following the initial restrictions, internet access was partially reinstated, with Kainerugaba announcing on Monday that all social media platforms would once again be accessible.
In a statement, Kainerugaba declared that all social media platforms would be made available, effective immediately.
On the same day, Kainerugaba used X to address allegations that his troops had assaulted Barbara Kyagulanyi, the wife of Bobi Wine, denying any involvement.
Barbara Kyagulanyi had made the allegations from her hospital bed on Saturday, claiming that military personnel had attacked her during a nighttime search for her husband.
According to Minde, Kainerugaba's motivations seem to stem from a sense of loyalty or a desire to shield the administration of Museveni, with his first name, Muhoozi, translating to "avenger".
According to Museveni, the name Muhoozi was chosen to signify retribution, implying that his son would seek justice on his behalf if he were wronged.
Born in 1974, Kainerugaba spent his early years in exile, residing in Tanzania, Kenya, and Sweden, until his father seized power in 1986, marking the end of Milton Obote's regime.
Kainerugaba's military career began in 1999, and he attended the prestigious Sandhurst military academy in the UK, graduating in 2000; he is also a married man with multiple children.
Following his enlistment, Kainerugaba experienced a swift ascent through the military hierarchy, achieving the rank of lieutenant-general within a decade; by 2022, he had been promoted to the position of full general.
Kainerugaba was instrumental in establishing the Special Forces Command, an elite unit tasked with ensuring his father's security, thus playing a crucial role in the country's military structure.
Allegations have surfaced regarding the SFC's purported role in a series of kidnappings and human rights abuses targeting opposition figures, which the organization has formally denied. However, certain SFC personnel have been found guilty of misusing their authority.
A notable incident involved an SFC soldier, 32, who was tried by a military court and received a death sentence in 2024 for fatally shooting three individuals and injuring two others, including an infant just one year old.
Following the disappearance of Edward Sebuufu, a bodyguard for Wine, in May of the previous year, Kainerugaba disclosed on social media platform X that Sebuufu was being held in detention, referring to the location as "my basement". This revelation prompted widespread outrage online after Kainerugaba posted a photo of Sebuufu, who appeared to be half-naked and had been shaved.
Kainerugaba also made a threat against Sebuufu, similar to one he had made against Wine, involving castration.
Wine has publicly stated that he believes both SFC members and military personnel were responsible for a raid on his residence that occurred the day after the election.
Museveni's regime has been bolstered by a unit often described as a shadow army, which has played a significant role in solidifying his power and that of his expanding family dynasty.
The Museveni family's influence continues to grow, with Kainerugaba's son, Ruhamya, recently joining the army, a move seen as a crucial step towards gaining power in Uganda's political landscape.
The future may bring changes to the family's power structure, potentially leading to a new dynamic with Kainerugaba at the helm, Ruhamya as a key figure, and another family member potentially succeeding Saleh in a position of influence.
For additional news and updates from Africa, visit BBCAfrica.com.
Africa
Understanding the crisis in South Sudan: a simple guide
A deepening political divide is raising concerns of potential renewed conflict following allegations of treason leveled against the vice-president.
Concerns are mounting that South Sudan, the world's newest nation, is on the brink of descending into all-out civil war as clashes persist in Jonglei state, located northeast of the capital city, Juba.
The government is attempting to reclaim territory from forces loyal to First Vice-President Riek Machar, who has been suspended from his position amid allegations of plotting to overthrow President Salva Kiir.
Machar is currently standing trial in Juba, facing charges of murder, treason, and crimes against humanity, all of which he denies.
The Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army In Opposition (SPLM/A-IO), Machar's party, has rejected the charges as a politically motivated attack aimed at dismantling the 2018 peace agreement that brought an end to a five-year civil war.
The SPLM/A-IO and its allied groups claim to have captured territory, including military bases, in Jonglei and other states since the end of last year.
In response, South Sudan's army launched a counteroffensive last month.
In a statement that has raised concerns, Deputy Army Chief Gen Johnson Oluny urged troops to show no restraint, including against civilians, when deployed to Jonglei, although the government later clarified that this was not an official order.
The government has reaffirmed its commitment to protecting civilians, contradicting Gen Oluny's statement.
The recent violence in Jonglei has displaced at least 280,000 people, forcing them to flee their homes.
Aid agencies, including Oxfam, have reported that their facilities, such as clinics, have been looted, and staff have been assaulted.
South Sudan gained independence from Sudan in 2011, following decades of fighting led by the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), and has been one of the world's poorest countries.
Two years after independence, a civil war broke out when Kiir removed Machar as vice-president, accusing him of plotting a coup.
The conflict, largely driven by ethnic divisions between supporters of Kiir and Machar, resulted in an estimated 400,000 deaths and the displacement of 2.5 million people, which is more than a fifth of the population.
As part of the peace agreement, Machar was reinstated as vice-president in a unity government, which was intended to pave the way for elections.
Although the current conflict in Jonglei is primarily driven by national political rivalries, the state has a history of inter-communal violence, particularly between sub-clans of the Dinka and Nuer ethnic groups.
Cycles of violence linked to cattle raiding, land access, and revenge attacks continue to shape and complicate the current conflict.
The SPLM/A-IO draws significant support from Nuer communities, while the government and its allied forces are dominated by Dinka leadership, leading to national political confrontations that often reignite local grievances and increase the risk of communal violence.
The current crisis began in March last year when the White Army militia, allied to Machar during the civil war, clashed with the army in Upper Nile state and seized a military base in Nasir.
On 7 March, a UN helicopter attempting to evacuate troops came under fire, resulting in several fatalities, including a high-ranking army general.
Nearly three weeks later, Machar and several of his associates were placed under house arrest, accused of attempting to incite a rebellion.
At the time, Oyet Nathaniel Pierino, deputy leader of the SPLM/A-IO, stated that the prospect for peace and stability in South Sudan had been severely jeopardized.
Instead of easing tensions, the government intensified its actions against Machar, charging him with treason, among other crimes, in September.
Days later, the SPLM/A-IO escalated its rhetoric, denouncing Kiir's government as a dictatorship and calling for regime change.
Although Machar's inclusion in the unity government was a key aspect of the peace agreement, other provisions have not been implemented.
A major concern for many South Sudanese is the security arrangement, which has not been fully realized.
The peace agreement outlined a plan to integrate former rebel forces and government soldiers into a unified national army of 83,000 troops, with the remainder to be disarmed and demobilized.
However, this has not occurred, and numerous militias aligned with different political groups remain active.
The agreement also called for the establishment of a court, with the help of the African Union, to try those responsible for the violence, but this has not been created, partly due to the reluctance of those in power to face trial.
Elections scheduled for 2022 have not taken place, and a new constitution has not been drafted.
Kenyan mediators are attempting to revive the peace process.
The Tumaini Initiative, which translates to "hope" in Swahili, aims to hold talks in Kenya to lay the groundwork for credible elections.
Kiir and Machar, both in their 70s, were part of the SPLM that fought for independence, but long-standing tensions exist between them.
These tensions have been fueled by ethnic divisions, with Kiir being Dinka and Machar being Nuer, as well as competing political ambitions.
When Kiir dismissed Machar as vice-president in 2013, triggering the civil war, Machar denounced him as a dictator.
The repeated postponements of elections have created further problems between the two leaders.
The delays, which have occurred four times, have prevented Machar from realizing his presidential ambitions, while perceptions grow that Kiir intends to remain in power indefinitely.
Born in 1953, the 72-year-old Machar was the 27th son of the chief of Ayod and Leer and was raised in the Presbyterian Church.
Machar studied mechanical engineering at the University of Khartoum as an undergraduate and later earned a PhD in philosophy and strategic planning from the UK's Bradford University in 1984.
During the struggle for secession from Sudan, Machar switched sides on several occasions, seeking to strengthen his position and that of his Nuer ethnic group.
He became vice-president of South Sudan at independence in 2011, but was later sacked in 2013 and reinstated as part of a deal in 2016, only to flee as fighting resumed.
In 1951, a child was born to a family of modest means, with his father working as a cattle herder, and he was the eighth of nine siblings; today, at 74, he remains a devoted Roman Catholic.
At the age of 17, he enlisted with the Anyanya rebel group, which was fighting for southern independence during the First Sudanese Civil War that began in 1967; 16 years later, he co-founded the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement, one of five key individuals to do so, amidst the Second Sudanese Civil War.
As a former rebel commander with expertise in military intelligence, he emerged as a voice of moderation within the SPLM, assuming leadership of the group in 2005 following the death of John Garang in a helicopter accident.
Upon South Sudan's independence, he took office as president, a position he has held for 14 years, as the country has not yet conducted elections.
Nicholas Haysom, the UN mission head in South Sudan, cautioned last year that the nation was on the verge of plunging back into full-scale civil war, which would have devastating consequences for a country still reeling from its previous conflict.
According to Daniel Akech, an analyst with the Crisis Group think-tank, a resurgence of fighting could lead to "proxy warfare in the region", prompting concerns about the potential consequences.
Akech outlined two primary consequences of renewed conflict: the escalation of ethnic tensions as opposing sides seek to rally support, and the likelihood that neighbouring countries would become embroiled in the conflict.
The leaders of the Igad regional grouping, which includes Uganda, are tasked with upholding the 2018 agreement as its guarantors.
As part of a long-standing accord to support the army, some Ugandan troops have been deployed to South Sudan, according to the government.
For additional news and updates from the African continent, visit BBCAfrica.com.
Africa
Ghana designates Wednesday as ‘Fugu Day’ to promote traditional attire
A popular article of clothing has garnered significant online attention in recent days, sparked by a lighthearted exchange between individuals from Ghana and Zambia.
In a move to promote national pride, Ghana has declared Wednesdays as a day to don the country's traditional attire, known as the fugu, following a recent online exchange with Zambia.
The fugu gained international attention when President John Dramani Mahama wore it during an official visit to Zambia, sparking a debate after some Zambians referred to it as a "blouse", which led to a strong reaction from Ghanaians on social media.
According to Ghana's Minister for Tourism, Abla Dzifa Gomashie, wearing the traditional outfit weekly will help showcase the country's cultural identity on a global scale, as announced on Tuesday.
Minister Gomashie encouraged the public to wear the fugu in its various forms, designs, and styles, accompanied by its unique and beautiful accessories, to promote the country's rich cultural heritage.
The fugu, also referred to as batakari, is a traditional garment originating from northern Ghana, characterized by its hand-woven cotton fabric strips stitched together to form a distinctive, poncho-style top.
Minister Gomashie noted that the weekly promotion of the fugu will have significant social and economic benefits, particularly for local artisans, designers, and traders involved in its production.
The minister stated that the government hopes the collective adoption of the fugu will foster national unity, boost the creative economy, and serve as a symbol of Ghana's cultural identity and confidence.
The fugu has been a trending topic on social media for several days, following the online debate between Ghanaians and Zambians.
The debate led to Ghanaians, including members of parliament, sharing photos of themselves wearing the fugu on social media, while Zambians responded by showcasing their traditional siziba outfits.
The online discussion caught the attention of Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, who announced plans to import fugus from Ghana.
President Mahama also proposed exporting the smock to Zambia in bulk, highlighting its potential economic benefits.
President Mahama emphasized the historical and cultural significance of the fugu, noting that Ghana's founding father, Kwame Nkrumah, wore it on Independence Day in 1957, and that he himself had recently worn it to the UN.
For more news and updates from the African continent, visit BBCAfrica.com.
Africa
Woman fights back after losing sons to jihadist attack
Yameogo Aminata reports that she lost four of her sons to violence and her daughter remains unaccounted for.
Certain details in this account may be disturbing for some readers.
Yameogo Aminata, a 57-year-old refugee, sits in a dimly lit room at a camp in Ivory Coast, struggling to come to terms with the traumatic loss of her four sons, who were killed by jihadists in their home country of Burkina Faso.
In 2022, Aminata was away from her home when armed insurgents, who have been wreaking havoc in central Burkina Faso for nearly 15 years, launched a devastating attack on her village.
The jihadists seized control of the village, taking cattle and land, and killing numerous residents, including Aminata's sons, who were between 25 and 32 years old.
Recounting the horrific event to the BBC, Aminata's body trembled with emotion as she described how the insurgents slit the throats of her children.
Aminata recalled arriving at the scene to find her fourth son being killed.
She attempted to fight back with a knife but was overpowered, beaten, and left with severe injuries to her head, shoulder, and throat.
During the chaos, Aminata became separated from her daughter, who remains missing to this day.
In 2023, Aminata fled to the Nioronigué camp in Ivory Coast, where she still keeps the blood-stained clothes from that fateful day as a poignant reminder of her loss.
Aminata expressed her desperation to the BBC, stating that she feels lost and without any sense of direction or purpose.
The insurgency in Burkina Faso has resulted in the deaths of at least 10,000 people, with the conflict also affecting neighboring Mali and Niger.
The United Nations has identified the region as a hub of global jihadist violence.
Military juntas have taken power in all three countries, pledging to combat the insurgency.
These juntas have shifted their allegiances away from traditional Western partners and are now seeking military aid from Russia.
Despite the deployment of Russian forces in Burkina Faso under the Africa Corps banner, the insurgency persists, with the al-Qaeda-affiliated group Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) being a prominent militant organization.
Hassane Tall, a 60-year-old farmer, fled northern Burkina Faso in 2023 with his three wives and 19 children after surviving multiple attacks.
Tall recounted to the BBC how they escaped clashes between jihadist groups and security forces, fearing for their lives.
Now residing in the Nioronigué camp, Tall expressed his deep sadness at leaving his ancestral land but sees no alternative for his family's safety.
The 12-hectare Nioronigué camp, which is home to Aminata and Tall, is located near the Burkina Faso border and was established in 2023 by the UN and Ivorian authorities.
Initially designed to accommodate around 6,000 people, the camp, along with the nearby Timala camp, currently shelters approximately 13,000 refugees, exceeding its intended capacity.
According to UN data, more than three million people have been displaced due to various conflicts in the Sahel region.
Over 80,000 people from Burkina Faso are currently living in camps in Ivory Coast.
Aminata expressed her gratitude to the Ivorian government and its people for providing her with shelter.
She recounted how she was forced to leave her home after being chased away by jihadists who sought to claim the country.
Similar stories of trauma and loss are echoed throughout the camp.
Among the refugees are individuals from Mali, including a 27-year-old finance graduate who, along with his brothers, undertook a perilous journey from Gao in northern Mali to the capital, Bamako, and then to northern Ivory Coast in search of safety.
The graduate stated that they were compelled to leave after their 24-year-old cousin, a fisherman, was killed by suspected jihadists.
He described the frequent attacks in the area, saying that such incidents occur daily.
The graduate told the BBC that they lived in constant fear, unsure if they would survive from one day to the next.
Despite being one of the fastest-growing economies in the region, Ivory Coast struggles with high unemployment and poverty, leaving locals in border areas concerned about the influx of refugees.
However, government representative Djamatigui Touré assured the BBC that refugees would be welcomed and not turned away.
Touré emphasized the shared history and culture between the refugees and the local population, referring to them as "brothers."
The UN Development Programme's resident representative, Blerta Cela, warned that the resources are being severely strained due to the large number of refugees.
Cela noted that the majority of refugees are not living in camps but are instead being hosted by Ivorian families.
For Aminata, rebuilding her life in a new country is weighed down by the memories of her past.
She acknowledged that she is still unable to come to terms with the traumatic events she experienced.
Aminata's only hope is for peace to be restored in Burkina Faso.
Additional reporting was provided by Noel Ebrin Brou.
For additional news coverage from Africa, visit the BBCAfrica.com website.
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